Digital Services Act – advertising repository guidelines

Digital Services Act advertising repository guidelines

A statement by GISAD – Global Institute for Structure relevance, Anonymity and Decentralisation

An advertising repository that no one can find and no one can search is a shop window, not transparency. The guidelines must therefore set measurable criteria, not descriptions – concept fidelity is created by measurement, not by examples.

On 4 November 2026, the European Commission opened a call for evidence (running until 2 December 2026) on upcoming technical guidelines for the advertising repositories („ad libraries“) that very large online platforms and search engines must maintain under Article 39(3) of the Digital Services Act. The guidelines are to advise on how repositories can be made easily searchable, how insights into targeting and reach can be provided, and how the content of advertisements can be made accessible. A targeted consultation on the draft will follow in 2027; publication is planned for the second quarter of 2028.

1. Guidelines overdue, timetable too long

The repository obligations have applied since August 2023 – for three years, enforcement has taken place without a yardstick: a fine here, binding commitments there, every platform a special case. Non-compliance has already been sanctioned in individual proceedings (the EUR 45 million fine against X for its non-compliant advertising repository; TikTok’s binding commitments of 5 December 2025). Even TikTok itself criticised that guidance was being delivered through preliminary findings rather than clear, public guidelines. Guidelines arriving in Q2 2028 would mean five years of obligations without binding functional criteria. What is needed are binding interim benchmarks – searchability, completeness, timeliness – that can be benchmarked and independently measured. Deadlines do not protect; structure protects.

2. Searchability as a measurable criterion, not a claim

The guidelines must define minimum requirements: multi-criteria search across all mandatory fields (the party on whose behalf the advertisement was presented, the payer, the period, the targeting parameters, reach per Member State), an open API without registration hurdles, complete data records (creative content including destination URLs, not placeholders), and publication of fresh entries within 24 hours – the TikTok commitments show that all of this is achievable. The door to participation must not stand behind a door to identity verification – neither for researchers, nor for civil society, nor for citizens without an institutional budget.

3. One data structure instead of 25 incompatible archives

Every platform currently builds its own format; anyone who wants to examine advertising across Europe has to learn 25 interfaces. For political advertising, a common data structure with standardised metadata and API logic already exists (Implementing Regulation (EU) 2026/818). The same standard logic must be transferred to the DSA advertising repositories so that cross-cutting analyses – scams, disinformation campaigns, misleading commercial practices – become possible in the first place.

4. Transparency of advertising, not of people

Article 39(1) of the DSA rightly prohibits personal data of the recipients to whom an advertisement was or could have been presented – the guidelines must operationalise this: evaluation and researcher access without recipient profiles, no correlation identifiers across platform boundaries – interoperability is not linkability. And: removals and deletions in the repository under Article 39(3) must remain traceable and logged – whoever audits must be auditable themselves – otherwise a transparency hole opens up precisely for the most problematic content.

5. Participation instead of an expert tool

Advertising repositories are public instruments of scrutiny, not tools for a small circle of vetted researchers. Search interfaces must be multilingual and usable by citizens without programming skills – participation instead of instruction.

6. The archive shows the advertising, not the structure

A repository reveals who paid and who was meant to be reached – it does not measure how recommender systems amplify advertising and organic content. This amplification must be named in the guidelines as a separate, measurable risk point; otherwise transparency stops at the cheque and never reaches the system. Whoever sells attention also sells the conflict – the structural answer to that (categories instead of profile feeds) must be pursued beyond the advertising repository.

Battery Passport Access Rights

Thirty-Second Statement: Battery Passport Access Rights – The Role Opens the Door, Not the Name

GISAD – Global Institute for Structure relevance, Anonymity and Decentralisation · Statement on the draft Commission Implementing Regulation on access rights to certain parts of the battery passport (Initiative 16473)

Core thesis: The draft of 19 October 2026 defines, for the first time, who may open the non-public parts of the battery passport – repairers, recyclers, purchasers. Defining access through roles is structurally right. But roles without a verification procedure are unenforceable, and verification must not become identification. A product passport that registers persons does not survive its own purpose.

1. Roles, not persons

A recycler needs access because they recycle – not because of who they are. Proof of role should therefore be provided once, signed, and followed by role-based access without personal identification. Identity only where identity is necessary. Otherwise the product passport becomes a register of persons, and a circular-economy instrument turns into a surveillance instrument.

2. Access logs yes, movement profiles no

The draft is silent on access logs. Restricted passport data (Annex XIII, points 2 and 4) must be logged in a way that is verifiable but not personally attributable. Whoever retrieves restricted data must be traceable to the system – not the operator to the person. And the state-of-health and usage data of an individual battery (charging cycles, degradation) must never become a movement profile of its owner.

3. The gap between role list and operating system

Roles without a verification procedure cannot be configured: who grants access when nobody knows how the role is checked? The Commission’s FAQ refers to national registers – which risks twenty-seven different verification systems and therefore twenty-seven different doors. GISAD calls for a measurable minimum procedure (criteria, deadlines, contestability) that is implemented decentrally. A rule that can only be enforced nationally is not a single-market rule.

4. Late act, punctual obligation

Article 77(9) set a deadline of 18 August 2026; the draft followed two months later. Yet the passport obligation starts on 18 February 2027 regardless. Deadlines do not protect – structure protects. An act planned for adoption in January 2027 leaves operators weeks instead of months. The examination procedure must not end in a symbolic review under time pressure.

5. Transfer on resale must be structural

Allowing purchasers to share point 4 data with prospective buyers is the right idea: second-hand markets live on condition transparency. But access must pass to the new role – structurally, through the passport itself – and not through copies of sensitive data from hand to hand. Otherwise transparency at first resale becomes uncontrolled circulation by the third.

Conclusion: The battery passport is the European Union’s first mandatory digital product passport. How it regulates access today will shape every passport that follows. The role opens the door – not the name. The feedback period on the draft runs until 16 November 2026. GISAD publishes this statement openly on its own website; legitimacy derives from registration in the EU Transparency Register.

GISAD – Global Institute for Structure relevance, Anonymity and Decentralisation · Registered in the EU Transparency Register, No. 244298340978-40

Sources: European Commission, Have Your Say, Initiative 16473 – Commission Implementing Regulation on access rights to certain parts of the battery passport: https://ec.europa.eu/info/law/better-regulation/have-your-say/initiatives/16473-Commission-Implementing-Regulation-on-access-rights-to-certain-parts-of-the-battery-passport_en · Batteries Regulation (EU) 2023/1542: https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/?uri=CELEX:32023R1542

Standardisation Regulation

Thirty-First Statement: European Standardisation Regulation – Speed Must Measure Fidelity, Not Deadlines

GISAD – Global Institute for Structure relevance, Anonymity and Decentralisation · Statement on the European Commission’s proposal for a Regulation on European standardisation, COM(2026) 780 (Initiative 14511)

Core thesis: The proposal to replace Regulation (EU) No 1025/2012 is overdue, and its elements – free access to harmonised standards, transparency registers, binding deadlines – point in the right direction. But cutting development time from six years to four measures tempo, not quality. A standard that certifies conformity without measuring structure certifies paper. Those who accelerate standards must measure fidelity – otherwise they merely accelerate the claim.

1. Free access to standards is a matter of the rule of law

Harmonised standards form part of Union law, as the Court of Justice of the European Union has established. Whoever pays for access to the law pays for their own right. The central repository announced in the proposal is therefore the correct step – but it must be machine-readable, barrier-free and accessible without mandatory registration. The door to participation must not stand behind a door to identity verification. This principle applies to consultation portals, and it applies to the texts of the law itself.

2. Four years instead of six is a pace, not a quality

Shortening development times does not solve the underlying problem: many harmonised standards certify processes rather than outcomes. The proposal needs binding measurement criteria for every standardisation request – above all for conceptual fidelity (does the standard measure what the legislation demands?) and for structural effect (interoperability, exit options, avoidance of vendor lock-in). Key performance indicators that only track deadlines measure dates, not fidelity.

3. Alternative award routes require transparency, or they become forum shopping

The possibility of addressing standardisation requests to designated standards development organisations when CEN, CENELEC and ETSI decline, delay or underperform is legitimate as a lever. But the selection must be verifiable. The transparency registers foreseen in the proposal are the right mechanism: they must show whose interests are represented in every standardisation body. Corporate interests belong on the record; natural persons, following the European principle of justice, deserve anonymity protection. Those who verify must themselves be open to verification.

4. The interim presumption of conformity is risky

A harmonised standardisation deliverable that already carries presumption of conformity before the final standard is cited in the Official Journal shifts verification risks onto the market. This is acceptable only if withdrawal is automatic and time-bound, and if the deliverable undergoes the same substantive scrutiny as the finished standard. Interim presumption must not become interim leniency.

5. Standards for AI and cybersecurity must measure structure, not processes

The lack of harmonised standards in artificial intelligence and cybersecurity is the symptom of a systemic flaw: to date, processes and products have been certified. Resilience, however, arises from measurable structure – provenance, decentralisation, fault tolerance. The new standardisation mandates under the AI Act, the Cyber Resilience Act and the revised Cybersecurity Act should make these dimensions mandatory. Otherwise Europe will certify dependency – at high speed.

Conclusion: Regulation 1025/2012 built a partnership; the proposal rebuilds it under time pressure. GISAD supports the acceleration – on one condition: the new system must measure what the old one only asserted. Fidelity is created not by examples, but by measurement. The feedback period on the proposal runs until 10 December 2026. GISAD publishes this statement openly on its own website; legitimacy derives from registration in the EU Transparency Register.

GISAD – Global Institute for Structure relevance, Anonymity and Decentralisation · Registered in the EU Transparency Register, No. 244298340978-40

Sources: European Commission, Have Your Say, Initiative 14511 – Standardisation Regulation revision: https://ec.europa.eu/info/law/better-regulation/have-your-say/initiatives/14511-Standardisation-Regulation-revision_en · Commission proposal COM(2026) 780: https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/?uri=CELEX:52026PC0780

Cybersecurity – NIS2 Directive

Common Incident Reporting Templates under the NIS2 Directive – One Form Is Not One Door

Statement by GISAD – Global Institute for Structure relevance, Anonymity and Decentralisation

A common form is not a common reporting point – the door counts, not the questionnaire.

GISAD welcomes the planned implementing act: uniform reporting fields for all Member States are structure – and structure is what NIS2 has lacked so far, where 27 national forms ask the same incident 27 different ways. The NIS2 Cooperation Group adopted the common templates on 26 May 2026; the implementing act will make them binding across the Union, as part of the Commission’s simplification agenda. Yet the harmonisation must not stop at the paper form.

Uniform fields are necessary, but not sufficient

Uniform fields without a uniform entry point are half a structure. A company operating in five Member States still has to serve five national portals after an incident – merely with identical forms. The Single Entry Point of the Digital Omnibus is the second, decisive step: one notification that fulfils all obligations. The implementing act should therefore be explicitly tied to the Single Entry Point, with a binding timetable.

Measure what matters, not what fills fields

The form must keep its questions measurable: affected users, outage duration, cross-border impact, origin of the incident. What does not flow into assessment does not belong in the form. A reporting form that collects data nobody evaluates breeds reporting fatigue – and reporting fatigue is a security gap.

The report is sensitive

An incident report describes the weakness of a system – often while it is still open. Whoever verifies must itself be verifiable: access to reported data must be logged, limited and bound to a purpose. Uniform fields must not turn into a central vulnerability database that itself becomes a target.

Conclusion. Deadlines do not protect – structure protects. But structure means: one door, measurable questions, and a protected report. The implementing act should lock in all three.

GISAD – Global Institute for Structure relevance, Anonymity and Decentralisation · Registered in the EU Transparency Register, No. 244298340978-40

Sources: European Commission – Have your say: Common incident reporting templates under the NIS2 Directive · European Commission – NIS2 Cooperation Group adopts common templates for incident reporting

Why GISAD Publishes Only on gisad.eu

Why GISAD Publishes Only on gisad.eu

Statement by GISAD – Global Institute for Structure relevance, Anonymity and Decentralisation

Participation that presupposes an IT department is not participation – it is procurement.

GISAD has made a decision: future statements on EU initiatives will no longer be submitted through portals that sit behind account walls, two-factor procedures and hardware keys – beginning with the European Commission’s Have Your Say portal and its EU Login. They will be published here, on gisad.eu – open to all, without login, without cookies, quotable by anyone. This is not a whim. It is a structural decision.

The finding

Anyone wishing to take part in an EU consultation today needs an EU Login account, a password that differs from those of the other portals, a registered second factor – the EU Login Mobile App or a security key – the correct PIN of that key, and the right verification method in the right menu. Each of these hurdles is individually defensible, and each has a security argument behind it. Together, they form a filter. Those who are paid for their contributions – consultancies, industry associations, corporate legal departments with IT support – absorb the effort as a business expense. Those who write out of civic conviction pay with time and patience, until they give up.

Authentication is not legitimisation

A contribution does not become better because its author has identified himself twelve times over. A statement consists of arguments, sources and deadlines – not of the number of login levels overcome. GISAD is registered in the EU Transparency Register (No. 244298340978-40). That is legitimisation: once, verifiable, public. Everything beyond it is identity checking without gain in knowledge. The right to take part in public discourse without identifying oneself at every step we call WAN anonymity – and it is not a fringe topic of internet policy, but the precondition for participation without fear.

The imbalance

The procedures that claim to hear civil society filter precisely it out. The volunteer expert, the independent researcher, the individual citizen do not fail on the content, but on the administrative apparatus in front of it. What remains are the voices that can afford the apparatus. A consultation that receives only paid contributions does not measure the opinion of Europe – it measures the budget of the contributors.

The consequence. GISAD continues to take the European Commission’s initiatives seriously: we read the drafts, name the initiative, reference and deadline, take a position, and publish everything here – without requiring an account from a single reader. Whoever wants to check who stands behind a statement will find us in the Transparency Register. Whoever wants to check whether it is true will find the sources in the text. That is more verifiability than any login mask. The door to participation must not stand behind a door to identity verification. We publish where everyone can read – not where you must first prove who you are.

GISAD – Global Institute for Structure relevance, Anonymity and Decentralisation · Registered in the EU Transparency Register, No. 244298340978-40

Reference: EU Transparency Register

AI Act Implementing Act – Articles 75c-75d

AI Act Implementing Act – Articles 75c-75d: Procedure Is Structure

Statement by GISAD – Global Institute for Structure relevance, Anonymity and Decentralisation

A limitation period that the investigator can restart is not the protection of rights – it is an instrument of pressure.

GISAD welcomes the draft implementing regulation in principle: an enforcement authority without procedural rules would be arbitrariness on letterhead. Through the Digital Omnibus, the EU AI Office has been given the competence to rule over the AI systems of the largest platforms and model houses – procedural rules for that task are structure, not bureaucracy. Yet three provisions of the draft invert procedural protection into its opposite.

The restartable clock

Six investigative steps, from a request for information to a structured dialogue, each restart the five-year limitation period – capped at ten years, and suspensions can push it beyond. This is not limitation but a negotiating lever: the authority decides when the clock runs again. A deadline that binds only the investigated party, and never the investigator, is structurally one-sided. Interruptions must be tied to formal procedural acts, not to every request. And the ten-year cap must be an absolute cap.

Defence only for corporate budgets

Broad access to confidential file material is reserved for external advisers – the in-house engineers who know the system best are excluded. A small model provider cannot afford a firm of expensive experts; a corporation can. The result is a two-tier defence, graded by bank balance rather than by the merits. The circle of access should be extended to bound internal technical staff, or access must be structurally enabled for small and mid-sized operators – otherwise the procedure protects precisely those it is meant to restrain.

Whoever verifies must itself be verifiable

The AI Office investigates, decides and imposes fines – and recovers its own investigation costs from the operator, without functional separation between investigation and decision. That is an incentive structure which demands to be measured: auditable procedural records, and the obligation to publish decisions (Article 75d(4) – welcome) complemented by an annual enforcement report with measured indicators. And the preamble must cite Regulation (EU) 2026/1744 – a legal act that omits its own legal basis creates no legal certainty.

Conclusion. The AI Act will only be as strong as its weakest procedure. Structure means deadlines that bind both sides, defence that does not depend on budget, and an investigator that allows itself to be measured. Procedure is not the appendix of enforcement – procedure is what turns enforcement into law.

GISAD – Global Institute for Structure relevance, Anonymity and Decentralisation · Registered in the EU Transparency Register, No. 244298340978-40

Sources: European Commission – Have your say: AI Act Implementing Act – Articles 75c-75d · EUR-Lex – Regulation (EU) 2026/1744 (Digital Omnibus on AI)

Communication on fake news and online misinformation

The 2018 Communication on Fake News and Online Misinformation – A Retrospective

Statement by GISAD – Global Institute for Structure relevance, Anonymity and Decentralisation

A self-commitment without an audit is advertising.

The Commission Communication of 2018 (COM(2018) 236) was the founding moment of European disinformation policy – and a political failure of the first order. The state let the platforms grade their own homework. The Commission knew full well that disinformation is not a marginal phenomenon but a business model – and it treated it like a misunderstanding to be politely resolved with a voluntary code. Seven years were lost before the Digital Services Act had to follow up.

What 2018 got right

Only one thing: It would have been wrong to demand what authoritarians have always demanded – an authority that decides what is true. Such a ministry of truth would itself be the greater structural hazard to democracy. Content-based censorship is and remains the wrong instrument. But whoever rejects censorship has the duty to measure structure. The Commission rejected the one – and omitted the other.

What 2018 got wrong

The 2018 Code of Practice was a fig leaf: no indicators, no verification, no sanctions. Transparency without verification is self-display. The platforms reported what suited them – and politics called it progress. The damage account is well known: a new version in 2022, integration into the DSA in 2025, auditable obligations only since 1 July 2025. Seven years of repair for a mistake that was avoidable in 2018: the renunciation of measurement. Concept fidelity is not created by examples, but by measurement – including in the self-regulation of corporations.

The open question of today

The first transparency reports under the DSA Code are on the table – and the Commission expressly refuses to assess whether the measures are sufficient. This is the old lie of 2018 in a new guise: whoever collects reports instead of measuring effect is doing file administration, not regulation. What must be measured is what costs money and reach: demonetised advertising revenues in euros, the reach of debunked content, the speed of amplification, the independence of auditors. Everything else is figure cosmetics.

Conclusion. European disinformation policy should hold fast to the prohibition of a ministry of truth – and finally enforce the measurement of the amplification structure: independent audits with published methodology, mandatory access for researchers, structural indicators with automatic sanctions. Whoever sells attention also sells the conflict – but a conflict that a platform amplifies algorithmically is no longer an opinion. It is a product. Products can be measured. And what can be measured can be regulated. The 2018 Communication saved Europe from censorship – not from unmeasurability. That is the lesson for every future code: a voluntary commitment is worth exactly as much as its verification – and whoever refuses to be audited has something to hide.

GISAD – Global Institute for Structure relevance, Anonymity and Decentralisation · Registered in the EU Transparency Register, No. 244298340978-40

Sources: European Commission – Have your say: Communication on fake news and online misinformation · EUR-Lex – COM(2018) 236 · European Commission – The Code of Conduct on Disinformation

The EU Cybersecurity Act

The EU Cybersecurity Act 2 – Security Certifies Products, Resilience Measures Structure

Statement by GISAD – Global Institute for Structure relevance, Anonymity and Decentralisation

Security certifies products. Resilience measures structure. The Cybersecurity Act 2 will deserve its name only if high-risk designations and cyber posture certificates measure – instead of merely assert.

GISAD supports the Cybersecurity Act 2. That the Union is creating a horizontal framework for ICT supply chain security for the first time, and is relying on Union-wide certification instead of fragmented national rules, is overdue. Yet the proposal stands or falls with one question: will high-risk designations and cyber posture certificates be measured, or merely asserted?

Measure origin, do not designate politically

The new regime for third countries and high-risk suppliers is right – but only if designation is bound to measurable structural criteria: origin, depth of dependency, single-source share, and replaceability. A certificate that does not measure origin merely certifies dependency. A risk list without measured criteria becomes an instrument of trade policy; with measured criteria, it becomes resilience. And the phase-out of high-risk suppliers must not lead into the next single-source dependency: whoever phases out one supplier must measure the diversification that follows, not the replacement of one dominant vendor by the next two corporations.

The cyber posture must not become a corporate profile

Certifying the overall cyber posture of an organisation is an advance over piecemeal product testing – concept fidelity is created not by examples, but by measurement. But the assessment must remain limited to the state of security: what is security-relevant gets examined; what the organisation’s operations otherwise reveal is not the assessor’s business. The credential of a company must not become a movement profile of its conduct.

Whoever verifies must itself be verifiable

With the Cybersecurity Reserve, the single reporting platform, the European Vulnerability Database and early warnings, ENISA gains de facto power over everyone else’s visibility. A budget increase of more than 75 per cent is justified only by measurable output – and by reciprocity of transparency: the central assessment and reporting authority must itself keep a verifiable record of what it collects, stores and passes on. Central coordination is right, but it does not replace decentralised response capability. Decentralised digitalisation does not replace a single cable – but it takes the catastrophe out of every cable break.

Certify the watchers

Managed security services monitor the systems of others around the clock. The EUMSS scheme must therefore apply to its own industry the principle it imposes on everyone else: measure structure, measure origin, and keep assessment auditable. Whoever guards the security of others must itself remain verifiable.

Conclusion. The Cybersecurity Act 2 will establish certification as a structural gauge rather than a label only if three things hold: high-risk designations follow measured structural criteria, cyber posture certificates stay confined to the state of security, and the expanded powers of ENISA come with reciprocal transparency. Security is a condition. Resilience is a measurement.

GISAD – Global Institute for Structure relevance, Anonymity and Decentralisation · Registered in the EU Transparency Register, No. 244298340978-40

Sources: European Commission – Have your say: The EU Cybersecurity Act · European Commission – EU Cybersecurity Act · EUR-Lex – COM(2026) 11

The Union Position for the World Radiocommunication Conference 2027

The Union Position for the World Radiocommunication Conference 2027

Statement by GISAD – Global Institute for Structure relevance, Anonymity and Decentralisation

Spectrum is a common good. Whoever allocates it must measure structure, not merely assert demand.

GISAD supports the creation of a common Union position for the World Radiocommunication Conference 2027. A single market that, through the Digital Networks Act, is establishing a Union spectrum strategy and an EU-level satellite spectrum authorisation for the first time must also negotiate globally with one voice. The conference in Shanghai, from 18 October to 12 November 2027, will revise the international treaty that governs the use of radio spectrum and satellite orbits, and its decisions will directly affect Union law and programmes, including Copernicus and IRIS2.

A negotiating position is not a strategy

A common position only becomes a strategy when it ties spectrum allocation to measurable structural criteria rather than asserted demand. The debate on the 6G candidate bands shows the problem: those who demand additional frequencies without measuring interoperability, coverage and resilience beyond the market are selling bandwidth as the future. Bandwidth is not resilience. The Union position should therefore define, for every allocation it supports, what will be measured afterwards: actual use, coexistence with incumbent services, and the degree to which services remain functional when individual systems fail.

Direct-to-device: complement, not replacement

Satellite direct-to-device connectivity must not become an alibi for neglecting terrestrial and local network structures. What arrives from orbit must be measured as a complement to decentralised infrastructure – against the yardstick of what continues to work without any single operator. GISAD calls on the Union position to fix origin and availability criteria for the selection of direct-to-device partners. A certificate that does not measure origin merely certifies dependency.

Regulation without profiling

WRC-27 will decide on the coordination of earth stations and on the identification of user devices. The Union position must draw a clear line here: technical coordination of radio use is legitimate; networked recording of users and their movements is not. Whoever verifies must itself be verifiable. Radio use must not become a movement profile.

Interoperability is not chaining

Global harmonisation of bands lowers equipment costs – but it must not lead to supply chains that depend on a few manufacturers and a few constellations. The Union position should bind spectrum harmonisation to the same criterion that the Chips Act 2.0 establishes for semiconductor supply chains: no single source. Whoever triples capacity without measuring the operator triples dependency.

Conclusion. The Union position for WRC-27 should contain three commitments: measurable resilience criteria for every new allocation, origin standards for satellite constellations instead of single-operator risk, and a strict separation of radio coordination from user profiling. The global is only legitimate if it does not render the local superfluous. Frequencies are a common good – their allocation must measure structure, not assert demand.

GISAD – Global Institute for Structure relevance, Anonymity and Decentralisation · Registered in the EU Transparency Register, No. 244298340978-40

Sources: European Commission – Have your say: The Union Position for the World Radiocommunication Conference 2027 · European Commission – Commission collects feedback to define the EU’s position for WRC-27